panafricanism today: the contradictions of modern activists
As South African courts prepare to rule on the fate of Kémi Séba, a prominent panafricanist activist with 1.5 million social media followers, arrested in April while attempting to enter Zimbabwe illegally, writer Venance Konan questions whether this controversial figure truly embodies modern pan-African ideals. The case offers an opportunity to examine the evolution of this historic movement and its current manifestations.
Born Stellio Gilles Robert Capo Chichi in Benin with Nigerian diplomatic credentials, Séba leads the “Urgences panafricanistes” NGO and is known for his radical anti-French rhetoric, opposition to the franc CFA, and antisemitic statements—so extreme that he lost his French citizenship. According to available reports, Séba was attempting to enter Zimbabwe with the assistance of a South African white supremacist, François Van der Merwe, before likely continuing to Europe. He faces charges in Benin for “apology for crimes against state security and incitement to rebellion” after publicly supporting soldiers involved in a failed December coup. An international arrest warrant has been issued against him.
modern panafricanism: between anti-colonial rhetoric and questionable alliances
Séba joins a trio of influential voices in Francophone Africa—Franklin Nyamsi and Nathalie Yamb—who dominate panafricanist discourse online while fiercely opposing French presence on the continent. However, their activism extends beyond anti-colonial rhetoric to include vocal support for Russia and the military juntas of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES)—Mali‘s Assimi Goïta, Burkina Faso‘s Ibrahim Traoré, and Niger‘s Abdourahamane Tiani. Does this represent true liberation, or merely shifting from one foreign domination to another?
from anticolonial struggle to fragmented realities
The panafricanist movement emerged in early 20th-century Black American and Caribbean intellectual circles before inspiring the continent’s anti-colonial struggles. Leaders like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Sékou Touré of Guinea, and Patrice Lumumba of the Congo became its most prominent figures. The movement’s influence extended to organizations like the Fédération des étudiants d’Afrique noire en France (FEANF), which transitioned from student unionism to political activism demanding decolonization and continental unity. The French government retaliated by increasing student rents, reducing scholarships, and imposing constant police surveillance before dissolving the group in 1980.
While the independence of Ghana in 1957 and most African nations in 1960 were seen as victories for panafricanism, the movement’s unifying vision soon fragmented. Rather than continental integration, micro-nationalisms and secessionist movements emerged, including Eritrea‘s independence and the division of Sudan. Attempts at unity, like Mouammar Kadhafi‘s push to transform the Organisation de l’unité africaine (OAU) into the African Union (AU) in 2002, ultimately failed. The AU introduced the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) in 2001 to accelerate integration, but the initiative has since faded into obscurity.
the gap between rhetoric and reality in contemporary Africa
Today, the term “panafricanist” has become almost obligatory for African leaders and intellectuals. Laurent Gbagbo of Côte d’Ivoire recently launched a new party, the Parti des peuples africains-Côte d’Ivoire (PPA-CI), claiming panafricanist credentials. Similarly, Senegal‘s ruling party, Patriotes africains du Sénégal pour le travail, l’éthique et la fraternité (PASTEF), presents itself as panafricanist—yet in practice, African nations often engage in xenophobic practices against fellow Africans, as seen in South Africa, or maintain tense relations with neighbors, such as the growing divide between Sahel nations and ECOWAS countries.
a panafricanism in crisis: between populism and geopolitical manipulation
Where have all the panafricanists gone? Today, figures like Séba, Nyamsi, and Yamb are the most visible, leveraging social media to amplify their anti-Western, particularly anti-French, rhetoric. While they portray themselves as persecuted champions of African dignity, their alliances raise serious questions: Can a movement that openly serves Russian interests or supports authoritarian regimes that suppress freedoms truly claim to represent African liberation? The actions of Russian proxies in the Sahel speak louder than words about the cost of such alliances.
According to leaked conversations, Séba has accused Nyamsi and Yamb of opportunism, alleging they are now in the service of Faure Gnassingbé, Togo‘s president. Shockingly, Séba himself has reportedly expressed regret over losing his French citizenship. This form of panafricanism appears increasingly hollow, opportunistic, and even fraudulent. Yet in a world dominated by predatory powers, Africa’s survival may depend on rediscovering the urgency of genuine panafricanist ideals—before it’s too late.
