The narrative of women’s engagement in Moroccan politics represents a sustained endeavor, marked by significant legal reforms, persistent advocacy from civil society organizations, and an ongoing pursuit of genuine gender parity. As the legislative elections scheduled for September 2026 draw nearer, the crucial issue of women’s standing within decision-making bodies has once again taken center stage in the national discourse. While Morocco’s legal framework has seen considerable enhancements, practical realities on the ground and established party practices continue to raise serious questions about the full realization of constitutional principles.
1. A historical overview: from marginalization to affirmative action.
For decades following independence, female representation in the Moroccan Parliament remained minimal, often virtually non-existent. It wasn’t until 1993 that the first two women entered the House of Representatives. Recognizing the slow pace of this “natural” progression, Morocco initiated a pivotal shift in the early 2000s by implementing mechanisms of affirmative action.
● 2002 – Introduction of the national list: A political agreement among parties designated 30 seats for women in the House of Representatives, signaling a true starting point towards more equitable representation.
● 2011 – The constitutional leap: The new Constitution, through its Article 19, enshrined equality between men and women and committed the state to striving for parity. The number of seats allocated to women was subsequently increased to 60.
● 2021 – Transition to regional lists: The national list mechanism was replaced by regional lists, aiming to broaden the territorial representation of women and boost their total number to 90 seats in the House of Representatives.
Each of these progressive steps has enabled Moroccan women to accumulate invaluable expertise and demonstrate their capabilities across political, trade union, associative, and human rights spheres. Nevertheless, despite these legislative advancements, a persistent glass ceiling remains, affecting both local governance and the leadership of electoral lists.
2. 2026 legislative elections: civil society’s stark warning.
It is precisely within this transitional period that Coalition 190 for the Fight Against Violence and the Coalition for Dignity and Women’s Rights issued an urgent appeal on June 9, 2026. After analyzing initial data concerning candidate nominations for the September elections, these organizations sounded the alarm: women continue to be marginalized as lead candidates, with men overwhelmingly dominating these crucial positions.
This situation is particularly ironic given that lead candidates statistically enjoy the highest probability of securing a seat in the legislative assembly. Relegating female candidates to secondary roles thus prompts a fundamental inquiry: what is the true extent of political parties’ commitment to the principles of equality and parity?
3. A significant democratic deviation: the family quota bypass.
Beyond the mere scarcity of female candidacies, another insidious phenomenon threatens the upcoming elections, affecting all political parties. There is a serious concern about the instrumentalization of representation mechanisms by certain partisan elites. Exploiting quotas and reserved lists, several leaders are unhesitatingly positioning their own wives or daughters as primary candidates.
This practice of familial favoritism represents a blatant circumvention of the spirit of legal texts. By transforming positive discrimination measures into dynastic privileges, it strips the reform of its genuine purpose. It effectively denies grassroots activists – who have dedicated decades to working within political and associative structures – legitimate access to representation. Such electoral nepotism erodes public trust in institutions and undermines the credibility of women’s entry into politics, reducing it to a matter of family co-optation rather than competence and merit.
4. Towards a national debate: beyond mere electoral mobilization.
In response to these concerning trends, the coalitions are advocating for the immediate initiation of a responsible and constructive national debate, involving political stakeholders, constitutional institutions, feminist organizations, and the media. This debate must critically examine the cultural and structural obstacles that still impede women’s ascent to political leadership positions.
The manifesto signatories propose several concrete measures to reverse the current trajectory:
● Firm partisan commitment: Political parties must uphold the spirit of electoral laws and ensure that women lead at least one-third of the lists, striving for effective parity.
● Transparent and ethical selection criteria: Candidate nominations must strictly be based on competence, merit, and historical militant engagement, explicitly excluding any logic of familial privilege or nepotism, thereby guaranteeing genuine equality of opportunity.
● Rigorous oversight by authorities: Control institutions and public authorities tasked with supervising the electoral process must ensure the strict application of the law’s original objectives, so that measures supporting representation truly benefit all female citizens and not just restricted family circles.
Conclusion – A reflective note.
Moroccan women can no longer be confined to the roles of mere voters or mass mobilization tools on election day. They are full-fledged citizens and indispensable partners in shaping public policies and building the nation’s future. The maturity of Moroccan democracy will ultimately be measured by its capacity to transform women’s political participation – moving it beyond an exception or familial bypass – into a natural, just, meritocratic, and sustainable democratic practice.
