The political landscape in Senegal frequently witnesses intense power struggles, whether among figures within the same party or between rival political factions. As Lord Palmerston, the British Foreign Secretary, famously asserted in 1848:
In politics, there are no permanent enemies, nor permanent friends, only permanent interests.
This timeless adage perfectly captures the current situation at the apex of Senegal’s executive branch. The once harmonious Sonko-Diomaye partnership, comprising Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and his Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko, who initially presented a united front, is now embroiled in significant internal discord. These escalating disagreements culminated on May 22, when the President announced the Prime Minister’s dismissal and the subsequent dissolution of the government.
While a major political gathering on November 8, 2025, offered early indications of these fratricidal divisions, an interview on May 2, 2026, unequivocally confirmed the rift. The President himself acknowledged disagreements with his Prime Minister, specifically criticizing the “excessive personalization” of power that had seemingly coalesced around Sonko.
My doctoral research delves into the recent transformations within the Senegalese political system, particularly examining the rise of Les Patriotes africains du Sénégal pour le travail, l’éthique et la fraternité (PASTEF, now in power). I analyze the sociopolitical realignments observed between 2021 and 2024 amidst a period of significant political instability, exploring how this anti-establishment party managed to disrupt Senegal’s traditional sociopolitical order.
the illusion of shared symbolic capital crumbles
The unique Sonko-Diomaye alliance was forged when Sonko personally selected Diomaye following the invalidation of his own candidacy. Initially conceived as a complementary political force, with one managing the state apparatus and the other providing strong political legitimacy, this dynamic characterized their initial months in power.
However, the large PASTEF political rally on November 8, 2025, starkly revealed the limitations of this two-headed illusion, largely sustained by Sonko. “The aftermath of November 8,” as Sonko himself described it, marked a critical turning point for the institutional partnership between the President and him. Their relationship is now locked in a stalemate, stemming from early disagreements over the choice of the ruling coalition’s coordinator, followed by diverging visions of power, and finally, disputes over the selection of allies.
Consequently, the once unifying slogan “Sonko mooy Diomaye” (Sonko is Diomaye, in Wolof), which served as PASTEF’s survival strategy against former President Macky Sall’s regime, has begun to wane. It is being supplanted by new affirmations like “Sonko is Sonko” or “Ousmane is Sonko.” Journalist Sidy Diop’s observations align with this shift, highlighting that “the proclaimed unity has ended. It gives way to a duality that is now visible, almost embraced, where roles are redefined and ambitions asserted.”
“Diomaye is no longer Sonko. Sonko is no longer Diomaye.” Yet, from the perspective of the theory of domination and symbolic reproduction, which enabled Sonko to exert a “proxy capital,” their symbolic fusion had created a “unique partisan habitus.” In this context, the homopastefien and sympathizers of “the Project” no longer perceived two distinct representatives, but rather a dyad, a single, indivisible political force.
This duality at the summit represents the inevitable outcome of their initial “complementarity” upon entering the executive political arena. The presidential nature of Senegal’s political system mandates a clear distinction where the President’s authority is not shared. The prerogatives of the President and the Prime Minister are meticulously defined by the Constitution in Articles 42 to 52, transforming what began as a fusion into a “soft rivalry.”
President Diomaye frequently adopts a reserved posture, positioning himself as the guarantor of institutions, while Prime Minister Sonko retains his familiar role of mobilization and disruption. This dynamic echoes what French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu describes as the “position occupying the man,” where the institutional role dictates an individual’s actions, language, and demeanor, rather than the reverse. The presidential function imposes a “sovereign” habitus that inherently clashes with the Prime Minister’s “party leader” habitus. This principle of separating the functions of Head of State from those of a party leader led Diomaye to resign from his position as Secretary General and all other leadership roles within the PASTEF party.
Moreover, a real, though often invisible, boundary between the President and his Prime Minister lies in the transition from informal “street communication” like “Diomaye is Sonko” to formal institutional communication, where the President’s image takes precedence according to protocol. While Sonko was instrumental in bringing Diomaye to power, the latter now wields discretionary authority, including the power of appointment, thus fostering a political bipolarization between pro-Diomaye and pro-Sonko factions.
the inherent limits of political duality
In physics, fluid mechanics illustrate that when two bodies of differing masses share an enclosure, the one with superior mass compresses the other. Applying this to Diomaye and Sonko, it signifies that power is not static, much like human nature itself.
Through an upward flow of influence, his charisma, and control over the party, Ousmane Sonko imbues Bassirou Diomaye Faye with popular legitimacy. Conversely, through a downward flow of influence, Bassirou Diomaye, via his state decrees and decisions, materializes the aspirations of “the Project” by embedding them within Senegalese positive law. Thus, if Sonko becomes too prominent, his influence spills over into Diomaye’s institutional territory.
In such a scenario, the President might appear to be under tutelage. Conversely, if Diomaye isolates himself too much, he risks losing the vital vein of legitimacy that Sonko provides. They exist in a system of mutual dependence and potential self-destruction. Power continuously flows between the presidential office and the Prime Minister’s residence, which is precisely what sustains this soft rivalry.
By mimicking each other’s desires, they are becoming antagonistic doubles. The more they resemble one another, the deeper their divergence becomes, as each sees their own ambition mirrored in the other. Both actors covet the same objectives: power, the presidency, and leadership. Sonko aspires to hold executive power; Diomaye seeks to consolidate his position.
What is unfolding at the pinnacle of power today serves as a stark reminder that in politics, a “gentlemen’s agreement” is often merely a myth for idealists. It is the relentless re-emergence of the “number two syndrome.” The presumptive successor, initially loyal and competent, ascends through the ranks only to turn against their leader when the latter commands all the spotlight.
The hegemonic actor, in their quest to secure future elections, transforms a loyal ally into an adversary out of mistrust. This dynamic inevitably breeds a reciprocal paranoia, foreshadowing a period of social and political turbulence ahead for Senegal.
