June 30, 2026
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A fascinating and unprecedented look into Morocco’s secret intelligence and diplomatic machinery has emerged. A collection of confidential letters, dating from October 2008 and originating from the Moroccan embassy in Caracas, Venezuela, details how Rabat orchestrated an infiltration and diplomatic counteroffensive to weaken the Polisario Front and counter Algerian influence in Central America. The intelligence came from Sahrawi diplomat Salama Ould Hennane.

Addressed directly to Yassine El Mansouri, head of the DGED (Morocco’s external intelligence service), and signed by Ambassador Dr Brahim Housseine Moussa, these letters reveal deep tribal divisions among the separatists and significant geopolitical shifts, particularly in Panama.

The Rguibate versus other tribes: The tribal argument to divide the Polisario

At the heart of these revelations is a golden opportunity for Rabat: the potential defection of senior Polisario officials. The Moroccan ambassador reports being approached several times by a certain Mr Sliman, the pseudonym of Salama Ould Hennane. He is a native of Dakhla (Oulad Dlim tribe) and a former ‘ambassador’ of the SADR in Panama and Central America.

Sliman’s assessment is unequivocal: a ‘very strong discontent’ is shaking the separatist movement. The cause? The Polisario leadership’s blatant favoritism toward the Rguibate tribe at the expense of other tribal groups, including Oulad Dlim, Oulad Tidrarine, Ait Lahcen, Ait Baamran, and the Takna confederation.

“It’s the perfect time to take action within the Polisario to weaken it further and unite its opponents behind the autonomy project.”

Sliman claims to have the backing of several prominent SADR figures to create an internal rebellion, including:

  • Ahmed ould Souilem (Minister Delegate for Arab Countries).
  • Mahfoud Ould Ahmed Zine (former minister and military region chief).
  • Mansour (former Foreign Minister and representative in Paris).

The plan proposed to the DGED is bold: encourage these figures to form an official opposition group, declare their dissent at an international press conference (likely in Madrid), and publicly announce their support for Morocco’s Autonomy Plan. Ambassador Moussa even suggested to his superiors that Sliman be used as an ‘infiltrated agent’ to carry out this destabilization.

The Central America battle: Algeria’s ‘blank check’

Beyond internal struggles, the letters reveal a fierce influence war between Rabat and Algiers in Latin America. In October 2008, Moroccan diplomats learned that a significant Algerian delegation, led by Algeria’s ambassador to Washington, Mr Baali, was preparing to tour Central America.

Algiers’ goal? To counter the progress of Morocco’s autonomy plan presented to the UN. To woo Latin capitals, Algeria pulled out all the stops, offering a ‘cooperation package’ (in other words, financial and economic aid) in exchange for alignment with separatist positions. Meanwhile, the Polisario sent its envoy Mohamed Yaslem Beissat to Panama to try to seal the cracks.

The strategic pivot of Panama

Panama emerges as the true epicenter of this standoff. The documents confirm a major chill between Panama City and the separatists. Panamanian authorities refused to accredit a new SADR ambassador, effectively downgrading the Sahrawi representation to a lower-level ‘chargé d’affaires.’

In response, the Moroccan ambassador sounded the alarm to Rabat: Panama expects a reciprocal gesture. The diplomat insisted that Morocco send an official envoy to seal this bilateral thaw and permanently block the Algerians.

In a final lobbying effort, the Moroccan diplomat confided that he activated his trusted networks within the Panamanian government to block Polisario’s demands, wielding a thinly veiled threat: any reversal by Panama ‘could harm bilateral relations with the Kingdom of Morocco.’

The secret agenda of Mohamed Abdelaziz

Proof of the precision of intelligence gathered by the embassy, the October 27, 2008 document details the upcoming agenda of then-Polisario leader Mohamed Abdelaziz: a visit to New York on November 4 to meet UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, followed by a trip on November 9 to Valencia, Spain, for the closure of the European Conference of Support for the Sahrawi People (EUCOCO).

These diplomatic archives reveal the raw reality of the Sahara conflict: a shadow war where North Africa and Latin America intersect, and where the strength of alliances is forged as much in the secrecy of embassy salons as on the ground of tribal rivalries.