Following fifteen months of strained relations with Bamako, Algeria has moved swiftly to restore diplomatic ties with Mali and deepen cooperation with Niamey. The pivot comes as Rabat strengthens its foothold in the Sahel, prompting Algiers to counter with a blend of military aid, energy projects, and economic partnerships to reclaim strategic ground in West Africa.
In recent weeks, Algeria has taken decisive steps to mend fences with its southern neighbors. On July 10, Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune ordered the return of Ambassador Kamal Retieb to Bamako, while Mali simultaneously reinstated its envoy to Algiers and reopened its airspace to Algerian civilian and military aircraft. This thaw followed fifteen months of escalating tensions, culminating in a dramatic breakdown after Mali’s denunciation of the 2015 peace accord and a disputed drone incident along their shared border in April 2025.
The rapprochement gained further momentum in August when Malian Prime Minister Abdoulaye Maïga highlighted a “total convergence of views” with Algiers on “upholding state sovereignty and rejecting foreign interference.” For Algeria, the stakes extend beyond bilateral relations—Mali is not only its largest Sahelian neighbor but also a founding member of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), where its absence had starkly exposed Algeria’s waning diplomatic clout.
Algeria’s outreach to Niger has been even more pronounced. On August 9, Algiers delivered four military helicopters to Niamey—two Mi-24V attack choppers and two Mi-171 transport helicopters—alongside spare parts, maintenance equipment, and ammunition. Days later, the Algerian prime minister traveled to Niamey to inaugurate drilling at the Kafra Sud-Est 1 oil exploration site, coinciding with the first joint commercialization of Nigerien crude by Sonatrach and the Société nigérienne des produits pétroliers (Sonidep). These moves underscore Algeria’s strategy: combining security cooperation, energy ventures, and economic collaboration to rebuild influence in a region where Morocco has been steadily expanding its footprint.
Sahel rivalry: Algeria counters Morocco’s expanding influence
The urgency of Algeria’s efforts stems from a rapidly shifting regional landscape. The AES—comprising Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger—has distanced itself from Western partners, deepened ties with Russia, and forged new diplomatic, economic, and military alliances. In June, the trio’s foreign ministers convened in Bamako to launch the “Diplomacy pillar” of their Confederation, signaling a unified front. For Algeria, this realignment presents both a challenge and an opportunity: while the loss of traditional partners in Paris and other Western capitals has created openings, the rise of Morocco as a competing power complicates its return.
Morocco’s approach differs markedly from Algeria’s. Rabat has woven a web of interests spanning banking, telecommunications, religious education, infrastructure, and Atlantic-facing initiatives, creating durable dependencies. Analysts note that while Algeria boasts formidable military strength and energy resources, these assets have yet to translate into commensurate political influence. The International Crisis Group observed in late 2024 that “Morocco has capitalized on Algeria’s declining sway in the Sahel,” while the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) described Algiers’ economic diplomacy in March as an attempt to “preserve regional influence against Moroccan advances.”
Diplomatic breakthroughs and lingering shadows
The restoration of relations with Mali marks a turning point for Algeria. After a rupture that saw mutual ambassadors recalled and a Malian complaint filed with the International Court of Justice (ICJ), Algiers and Bamako have now signaled a willingness to move past their disputes. The July 10 accord was swiftly followed by Mali’s reference to a “total convergence of views” with Algeria, hinting that the normalization extends beyond administrative formalities. This thaw was reportedly facilitated by Niger, which has maintained close ties with Algiers, adding a regional dimension to the reconciliation.
Niger, however, remains Algeria’s most ambitious project. A March session of the Algeria-Niger joint commission prioritized energy, security, transport, health, finance, and infrastructure, with both governments declaring their relationship “strategically irreversible.” The subsequent delivery of helicopters, the Kafra Sud-Est 1 drilling project, and the joint oil commercialization initiative reflect Algeria’s intent to embed itself economically and militarily in Niamey. Yet challenges remain, as these initiatives face the test of real-world implementation.
Security and geography drive Algeria’s Sahel strategy
Algeria’s push into the Sahel is rooted in both geography and necessity. With over 1,300 kilometers of shared border with Mali and long frontiers with Niger, Algiers views instability in these countries as a direct threat. The rise of armed groups along its southern flanks has made security cooperation a priority, but military partnerships alone are no longer sufficient to secure lasting influence. Algeria must now match Morocco’s economic and energy offerings—from the Trans-Saharan gas pipeline to oil ventures and military equipment—to ensure its presence in the region endures.
Morocco’s head start complicates Algeria’s comeback
Algeria’s efforts arrive late. In April, Mali withdrew its recognition of the self-proclaimed Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and endorsed Morocco’s “autonomy plan” as the only credible solution to the Western Sahara dispute. The AES trio has since cultivated closer relations with Rabat, forcing Algiers to play catch-up. The rivalry has shifted from mere influence-building to a contest over which power can sway African capitals on the Sahara dossier—a dispute that has long defined North African geopolitics.
For Algeria, the current phase is one of damage control. After losing its mediator role in Mali, Algiers is attempting to regain ground through bilateral ties, energy projects, infrastructure, and security cooperation. Niger serves as the proving ground for this strategy, while Mali tests its diplomatic resolve. Burkina Faso, though less prominent in the narrative, completes the trilateral framework. Yet Algeria’s approach remains reactive, defined more by its desire to thwart Morocco’s gains than by offering a compelling alternative to the Sahelian states themselves.
As Algeria scrambles to restore its former influence, the question lingers: Can Algiers move beyond a strategy dictated by rivalry, or will Morocco’s head start leave it permanently playing catch-up in a region where every move counts?
